Chaos and Anarchy: A Day After
Andrés Ochoa is a contributor to COHA. He is a researcher at the Centro Latinoamericano de Estudios Políticos in Quito, Ecuador
A day after the political upheaval in Ecuador, buses are running and traffic is starting to resume.
It is still not clear how circumstances reeled out of control. Some analysts have prematurely concluded that it was a staged and well-organized attempt to topple the government, but the lack of coordination among the police suggests that this may not be the case. The unrest began after President Rafael Correa approved legislation to cut police and military benefits. While President Correa addressed angered policemen at the barracks in Quito, the majority of the police force was quietly performing its duties. As reports began to flow of a standoff between the President and the police, officers started to leave their posts and join the revolt. The President was confined for eleven hours at the Police Hospital surrounded by the police protestors.
With the President limited to the confines of his hospital sanctuary, rumors began to spread through the country. Some said the entire police force had joined the revolt with speculation that former president Lucio Gutiérrez was leading the insurrection. The situation began to look like a coup d’état. The police, numbering 40,000, effectively paralyzed the country by blocking major roadways and leaving the civilian population unprotected. Civilians took the opportunity to loot commercial centers and other businesses. Without a functioning security force, Ecuador’s streets fell into chaos.
Civil servants were quick to condemn these rebellious actions and rally behind the president. With prominent figures of the opposition party, such as Jaime Nebot, the mayor of Guayaquil, condemning the coup, it can be said that actors across the political spectrum stood up for democracy and the democratic process.
Because the military was affected by the same controversial measure, it became unclear whether the troops supported the police. General Ernesto Gonzales asserted that the military were behind the President, but it was uncertain if he would be able to retain control of the military. In the afternoon, the police consolidated their efforts, and blocked the National Assembly building, raising fears of a coordinated coup attempt. In response, the government declared a state of emergency. They ordered all TV and radio stations to broadcast the state TV station, EcuaTV.
The Foreign Affairs Minister, Ricardo Patiño, led a march of civilians to free the President. They were met with repression in the form of tear gas, leaving unconfirmed reports that at least one civilian protestor died. The police were clearly on the defensive.
The police attempted to regain the initiative. Police tried to shut down the state TV station by damaging their antennas. There were also reports of the police attempting to seize the equipment of the TV crews covering the events at the hospital. Once the police ran out of tear gas, they started to throw rocks at the protestors and confront them physically, but the civilians held their ground. Before reaching Correa, Patiño was struck in the head and transported to the hospital for treatment. The police force seemed desperate and out of control. Rumors spread that police were considering surrender.
As a group of citizens overran the state TV studio at around 6:30pm, social networking sites, such as Twitter and Facebook, became increasingly important sources of information that allowed Ecuadorians to voice their support for democracy. The private media started to report military movements in the capital on Twitter around 7:00 p.m.
One hour after these events, private TV stations began to broadcast independently. At the same time, via Twitter, people reported seeing a convoy of military trucks near the hospital in which Correa was held.
Around 9 p.m., the police and military exchanged gunfire in front of the hospital for twenty minutes, leading to the deaths of two policemen and one military officer. The President was finally freed and taken away from the hospital in a secure vehicle shielded by members of the military. During Correa’s escape, another policeman was shot. Thirty-seven people were reportedly injured in the conflict. After arriving safely at the presidential palace, Correa appeared on the balcony, where thousands of supporters awaited him. The President stated that those responsible would be brought to justice.
Especially in light of this recent confrontation over new austerity measures in Ecuador, President Correa has been criticized for his confrontational leadership style. Though Correa certainly has not acknowledged any responsibility for Thursday’s events, critics have suggested that Correa’s earlier confrontation of the police was at least partially to blame for the escalation of the conflict. In the wake of these events, Correa would do well to reexamine his leadership style, and to take steps toward a more inclusive and tolerant governing approach. This approach would necessarily include greater respect for legislation passed under consensus in the National Assembly. Increased deference to the democratic legislative process would almost certainly help Correa avoid future standoffs. As feeble as democracy has been in Ecuador, the nature of this most recent political debate, in addition to the failure of the police protests to evolve into a full-blown coup (due in large part to a lack of popular support for such an unconstitutional response to Correa), demonstrate that democracy in the tiny Andean nation is maturing, even if slowly. Nowadays, it seems that it is the majority of Ecuadorians that demand respect for the democratic process, and not just the gobierno de turno, as was true in the past.