Indigenous exploitation: Not just through carbon policies

Inter Press Service

By Kristen Walker

Although I agree with the critique of the World Bank’s carbon market policies in your article “Climate Change: Indians Speak Out Against Carbon Markets” (May 6), the author ignores the extent of indigenous exploitation routinely seen in the status quo. Take, for example, the Mexican state of Chiapas, with an indigenous population of 27 percent. Even though the state produces 12 percent of Mexico’s natural gas, 46 percent of its coffee and 48 percent of its hydroelectric power, most of its indigenous population is impoverished. The profits from Chiapas' natural resources are clearly not being equally distributed to benefit the indigenous people. Rizvi’s analysis should further investigate the effects of climate policies on indigenous populations. It is a blatant understatement to say simply that indigenous people have a “minimal” contribution to global warming- they are also among the groups most negatively affected by it.

Minc’s challenge

Economist.com

By Kristin Bushby

SIR – You argue that the resignation of Marina Silva from the Brazilian government has unleashed a multitude of concerns within environmental circles worldwide over the commitment of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s administration to preserving the Amazon (“Marina marches off”, May 15th). Although Ms Silva’s aspirations for the environment did not come to fruition during her time in office, she was not incompetent. To suggest that her struggles to pass legislation were handicapped by her lacklustre ability to advance a pro-environment agenda ignores the real problem in Brazil: the lack of adequate support necessary to defend the environment within every government agency, not just Ms Silva’s. Brazil’s business lobbyists work tirelessly to promote commercial interests that continually slash the forests. Lula must hope that his new appointee, Carlos Minc, can quickly achieve success against formidable odds and before deforestation levels reach new heights.

The U.S.- left behind again

venezuelaanalysis.com- Venezuela News, Views, and Analysis

By Susan Schaller

In your article, “Venezuela Proposes Food Crisis Fund at Controversial Trans-Atlantic Summit” (May 20), James Suggett discusses the links being formed between Latin American countries and the European Union (EU) at the two-day summit in Lima. The meeting suggested the basis for a working relationship between the EU and participating Latin American countries, which is more than can be said about current inter-American relations. Indeed, Washington’s relationship with the region is deteriorating proportionally to the decline of its credibility in the region. The opportunity to develop a productive hemispheric partnership to overcome the harmful neoliberal policies of the 90s was lost in self-serving posturing by State Department and Treasury officials. For example, the Summit of the Americas held in November 2005 failed to constructively alter hemispheric ties between the two regions over the issue of U.S. insistence on making no concessions on its subsidized agriculture. It was on that occasion that Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez attended the People’s Summit in Mar de Plata to explicitly protest Bush’s proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and its subsequent Summit of the Americas. It is no exaggeration to say that the U.S. needs to at least find a better way to keep Latin American leaders engaged at the discussion table as the EU at least managed to do in Lima.

We need a comprehensive anti-drug policy

Washington Post

By Cassidy Rush

In “Venezuela Increasingly a Conduit for Cocaine,” Oct. 28, Juan Forero details how Colombian drug traffickers, finding their operations further disrupted by Plan Colombia, are setting up shop in the friendly environs of Venezuela, where they can “avoid pressure.” There’s no hope for keeping cocaine off city streets anywhere as long as cartels operate with such mobility. If we are to focus on the supply side—even though that now seems like a losing strategy—we need a comprehensive policy that makes drug trafficking so costly that the traffickers back off. The Bush administration, however, seems content to target the problem on a nation-by-nation basis. The Merida Initiative, designed to help fortify Mexican (and Central American) institutions in their own fight against drugs, exemplifies the sort of piecemeal approach that makes life relatively easy for the cartels. Even if the proposal does manage to discombobulate them, the trade is so fungible, it will just move to some Caribbean way-station or to a failed state like Haiti. If we are to help our neighbors to the south battle drugs, we need to do so responsibly. That doesn’t mean trucking the problem from one country to another.

Que tenga usted cuidado, presidente Correa

El País - España

By Cassidy Rush

Ahora que su partido ha ganado la mayoría de los escaños que conformarán la Asamblea Constituyente ecuatoriana (“El partido de Correa obtiene la mayoría en las elecciones a la Asamblea Constituyente en Ecuador,” 01/10/2007) Rafael Correa está más cerca que nunca de poder conducir a su país hacia el denominado “socialismo del siglo XXI,” dejando patente en su constitución una descentralización de sus procesos políticos y una centralización de la gestión económica. En este momento, le convendría a Correa mirar hacia Bolivia, donde reclamos regionales y socioeconómicos han detenido bruscamente la Asamblea Constituyente de Evo Morales. Lo mismo puede suceder en Ecuador, donde Correa podría provocar un atasco político, si decide no tomar en cuenta los intereses de la élite ecuatoriana. Por otro lado, si no logra satisfacer los anhelos de un pueblo que busca un rumbo nuevo, su legado será como el de tantos presidentes ecuatorianos: muchas promesas y pocos resultados. Al impulsar su agenda de reforma radical, Correa debe mantener un delicado equilibrio entre el cambio y el statu quo. Si se inclina demasiado hacia algún lado, podría caerse estrepitosamente en el abismo de la historia.

US vs. Chávez

Boston Herald

By Brent Buxton

Given Washington’s enmity for Hugo Chavez, the ambitious Venezuelan leader, this (“Chavez offers billions in Latin America,” Aug. 26) might inspire the U.S. to respond in kind with its own Latin American aid blitz, which has all but vanished. Chavez denies that this is a competition, but it might very well turn into one to the benefit of all concerned. If so, this could prove to be a double blessing for the poor. However, two points of caution are warranted. First, as experts rightly point out, Chavez’s plan is based on an ebullient political commitment instead of economic strategy, which may limit its impact. An ideologically-based response on the part of the U.S., however, could be similarly problematic.

Un guiño inconveniente

El Tiempo - Colombia

By Manuel Trujillo

Señor Director: El apresurado guiño del presidente Uribe señalando a un posible sucesor es nocivo para la infraestructura democrática de Colombia. Los colombianos debemos rechazar el dedazo del Presidente, que potencialmente pueda alterar la legalidad de nuestras instituciones. Si está claro que la Constitución le prohíbe a Uribe un nuevo período, resulta al menos molesto que el Presidente acuda al atrevimiento de señalar a su sucesor. La solidez de las instituciones constituye el pilar fundamental de una auténtica democracia. Es necesario que el Congreso y la rama judicial demuestren la capacidad de contrapesar al Ejecutivo.

Re: Violence on Chile Coup Anniversary

Houston Chronicle

By Montana James

Your article, “Violence on Chile Coup Anniversary” (September 12, 2007) could be amplified to address several other critically important aspects of Chile’s distinct, if troubled, political culture. Michele Bachelet began her presidential term as a leading figure in Chile’s fight for women’s rights and as an apostle for a more open society where a modern woman like herself could freely function. She overcame great odds by becoming her country’s first female president in an ebulliently male-dominated culture. On top of this, Bachelet is a separated mother of three and a self-professed agnostic in a largely Catholic country, further distancing herself from the core of Chilean society. Her election appeared to mark both a breakthrough for Chile as well as for Latin American women in general. But with her approval ratings now plummeting and due to the blame she is unfairly taking for the recent explosive riots marking the anniversary of the 1973 Pinochet coup, prospects for reconciliation for now appear to be lost. You report that the President ordered criminal charges to be filed against anyone responsible for the riots. The difficult road that she now walks may need to involve cracking down on the perpetrators of violence, but she mustn’t forget that under Pinochet and as late as today, the poor feel justifiably outraged that it is they who have to bear the greatest pain for change to occur, be it under the detestable Pinochet dictatorship, or Chile’s polite but largely insensitive ruling middle-class.

Unintended Consequences Of a Colombian Law

Washington Post

By Manuel Trujillo

The reality of a surge in criminal gangs following the questionable demobilization process of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) is merely an indicator of a wrongheaded approach to bringing about peace and reconciliation by the central government [ "New Chapter in Drug Trade," news story, Sept. 5]. President álvaro Uribe's short-term Justice and Peace Law, a measure of expediency that sharply reduces jail time for illegal paramilitary fighters who wish to confess to avoid being extradited to the United States, gives Bogota almost no time to prepare for the reintegration of such combatants into civilian life. The fact that former mid-level AUC commanders have committed crimes in the midst of a demobilization process hints at what might happen once the Justice and Peace Law lets the "big fish" out of prison -- and into an environment where they can continue to exercise vast influence. As a result, many former high-level leaders responsible for Colombia's most atrocious human right violations will have the means to potentially win elections to senior positions in the Colombian government -- this time legally.

Aid for Haiti

Miami Herald

By Michael Glenwick

Although Washington's recent efforts to dispense free medical care to Haiti and other Caribbean-area states should be applauded, it should not be the final step in this country's policies toward its southern neighbors (U.S. launches medical mission for the poor, Sept. 6). By refocusing its lens on Latin America and the Caribbean, the United States has shown it is willing to improve living conditions in the 12 countries that will benefit from the medical mission and strengthen its role in the region to gain valuable influence. Nevertheless, the United States must not simply weigh the USNS Comfort's anchor and sail off to come back a few years later for another two-month tour. A successful surgery can be done in a day, but follow-up care can take much longer.