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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Economic</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>Rousseff Strengthens Caribbean Ties</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/rousseff-strengthens-caribbean-ties/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/rousseff-strengthens-caribbean-ties/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 19:42:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cuba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15837</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff’s recent visit to Havana could easily have been a tense one.  On Thursday, January 19th, jailed Cuban dissident Wilman Villar died in a prison hospital under murky circumstances, while Brazil recently granted a visa to well-known online journalist and longtime Castro critic Yoani Sanchez to leave her native Cuba and attend a documentary film premier in Brasília.  Rousseff avoided publicly criticizing the Castro administration when pressed by reporters on what the Cuban opposition calls human rights abuses, instead referencing the human rights record of the United States in regard to the Guantanamo Bay military prison.  However, she seemed perfectly happy to discuss Cuba and Brazil’s burgeoning economic partnership, which has grown significantly in recent years. The renovation and expansion of Mariel, a key port near Havana, represents the latest manifestation of the aforementioned partnership between the two countries.  Brazil has provided USD 683 million in loans to the Cuban government for the project, which is spearheaded by Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht.  Brazilian officials have also signed a 10-year agreement to help modernize Cuban sugar company Azcuba’s sugar mills in Cienfuegos.  Brazil has given Cuba another USD 400 million in credits to buy Brazilian agricultural projects and [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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		<title>Brazil Must Find its Voice Against Violence</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/brazil-must-find-its-voice-against-violence/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/brazil-must-find-its-voice-against-violence/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2012 22:08:03 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Daily News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Free Trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[OAS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Assad]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ban Ki-Moon]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bashar al-Assad]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dictator]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Intervention]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Iran]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Repression]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Russia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Syria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Syrian Liberation Army]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[UN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United States]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15820</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Amidst the clamor of international outrage in the wake of the failed United Nations Security Council vote for regime change in Syria, Brazil has remained conspicuously silent. While the United States closed its embassy in Damascus, and while the UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, called the vote “a great disappointment,” the dominant economic and political force in Latin America was not inclined to take action. Aspirations for a permanent spot on the UN Security Council are keeping Brazil from taking a bold and assertive stance on human rights and democracy in the Middle East. Commercial concerns with China and Iran, both key trading allies with Brazil who oppose intervention in Syria, are of course also on the minds of the Brazilian leadership. But if the country wants to become a major international player, it must take a broader and more generous view when it comes to the Arab Spring. In short, Brazil needs to denounce President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and to join the international call for its immediate removal. Although Brazil has held only a temporary position on the UN Security council, with its most recent rotation ending in 2011, it is vying for a permanent seat, and playing the [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>2</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Rural Colombia: The Potential for the Future</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/rural-colombia-the-potential-for-the-future/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/rural-colombia-the-potential-for-the-future/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 19 Jan 2012 18:31:42 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Colombia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Indigenous Rights]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15670</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The problems of Colombia’s rural populations have been extensively analyzed, mostly regarding their participation in the country’s historical domestic armed conflict. For example, numerous reports have focused on the violence of the guerrillas, paramilitaries, and narco-trafficking organizations that have forced families and even entire villages to abandon their native land and homes, becoming Internally Displaced People (IDP).[1] However, factors other than civil conflict can lead to the displacement of populations. Biofuel companies, the mining industry, and mega-construction projects have threatened the environment, food security, and agricultural biodiversity in rural Colombia, and have led to displacement and the dispossession of land.[2] Successive Colombian governments have exacerbated this problem by engaging in the indiscriminate allocation of exploitation licenses to private companies. Furthermore, several ongoing mega-projects fail both to uphold any standards of sustainability and to take into account the interests of the local population. This has created a need for a clearly defined national usage policy and an accompanying regulation and management system. These issues are rarely present in the national and international media, but have transformed the lives of many Colombians living in rural areas. El Quimbo Dam Expected to begin operating in 2014, the El Quimbo Hydroelectric Project Plant is located in Huila, a southwestern region of Colombia. It is [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>The TIPNIS Affair: Indigenous Conflicts and the Limits on &#8220;Pink Tide&#8221; States Under Capitalist Realities</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-tipnis-affair-indigenous-conflicts-and-the-limits-on-pink-tide-states-under-capitalist-realities/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-tipnis-affair-indigenous-conflicts-and-the-limits-on-pink-tide-states-under-capitalist-realities/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 16 Dec 2011 19:42:46 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Bolivia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15380</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Executive Summary On December 4, 2011, the Bolivian government signed an agreement with indigenous leaders that clarified an October 24 law banning the construction of a hotly debated highway that would have run through the heart of Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (Parque Nacional y Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Secure, TIPNIS), an isolated area where traditional Amazonian native groups can be found.[1] Far from ending the controversy, the law had called into question whether the land and natural resources remain &#8220;untouchable&#8221; for both the Andean indigenous peoples who migrate there to farm and for the Amazonians native to the preserved natural expanse. The parties agreed that the portion of the law making the national park &#8220;untouchable&#8221; (intangible) would only apply to commercial enterprises, and not to those small-scale economic activities that support the traditional subsistence lifestyles that the indigenous groups living in the park depend on for their survival. Although at first glance it might seem that this ongoing conflict simply pits a government against its indigenous constituents, this view overlooks two important conflicts. The highway project, the resultant &#8220;untouchability&#8221; law, and even the recent official clarification of that law have only deepened the conflict between [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>2</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>FMI: A la búsqueda de financiamiento en Brasil</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/fmi-a-la-busqueda-de-financiamiento-en-brasil/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/fmi-a-la-busqueda-de-financiamiento-en-brasil/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2011 19:09:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Español]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15325</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Durante no poco tiempo fue Brasil un asiduo prestatario del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI), pero en esta ocasión se ha solicitado formalmente a la potencia sudamericana que se convierta en prestamista del Fondo: otra prueba incontrovertible del intercambio de roles protagónicos en el escenario internacional. Teniendo ello siempre presente, Christine Lagarde se reunió con la presidenta de Brasil Dilma Rousseff y su ministro de hacienda Guido Mantega durante su primer viaje a América Latina como directora gerente del FMI. Si bien aún se encuentran en negociación los pormenores de la propuesta crediticia, una vez concluida la reunión, las autoridades brasileñas declararon que Brasil extendería financiamiento al FMI a condición de que modifique su sistema de cuotas, expresadas en Derechos Especiales de Giro (DEG), la unidad de cuenta del FMI que determina el poder de voto del titular del activo. En la actualidad, Brasil posee 4.250,5 millones de DEG, que equivalen a 43.246 votos. Mediante esta reestructuración del sistema de cuotas, Brasil procura ampliar su esfera de influencia y asídesempeñar un papel de mayor importancia en la toma de decisiones del FMI, un objetivo se encuadra en la voluntad de Rousseff de demostrar su relevancia en la comunidad internacional. Mantega aclara [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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