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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Dissent</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>Rousseff Strengthens Caribbean Ties</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/rousseff-strengthens-caribbean-ties/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/rousseff-strengthens-caribbean-ties/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 19:42:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cuba]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15837</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff’s recent visit to Havana could easily have been a tense one.  On Thursday, January 19th, jailed Cuban dissident Wilman Villar died in a prison hospital under murky circumstances, while Brazil recently granted a visa to well-known online journalist and longtime Castro critic Yoani Sanchez to leave her native Cuba and attend a documentary film premier in Brasília.  Rousseff avoided publicly criticizing the Castro administration when pressed by reporters on what the Cuban opposition calls human rights abuses, instead referencing the human rights record of the United States in regard to the Guantanamo Bay military prison.  However, she seemed perfectly happy to discuss Cuba and Brazil’s burgeoning economic partnership, which has grown significantly in recent years. The renovation and expansion of Mariel, a key port near Havana, represents the latest manifestation of the aforementioned partnership between the two countries.  Brazil has provided USD 683 million in loans to the Cuban government for the project, which is spearheaded by Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht.  Brazilian officials have also signed a 10-year agreement to help modernize Cuban sugar company Azcuba’s sugar mills in Cienfuegos.  Brazil has given Cuba another USD 400 million in credits to buy Brazilian agricultural projects and [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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		<title>El Gobierno calla mientras más periodistas mueren en Honduras</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/el-gobierno-calla-mientras-mas-periodistas-mueren-en-honduras/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/el-gobierno-calla-mientras-mas-periodistas-mueren-en-honduras/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 27 Oct 2011 17:48:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Español]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Honduras]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14600</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Avances Honduras ocupa el deshonroso segundo puesto como el país más peligroso para los periodistas en el hemisferio occidental. Desde que el presidente Porfirio Lobo asumió el poder, 15 periodistas han sido asesinados; el gobierno niega que estos crímenes hayan sido cometidos por motivos políticos. Organizaciones de derechos humanos y de periodistas insisten con mayores exigencias al sistema judicial y a la policía hondureña a fin de identificar y castigar a los responsables. Desde siempre, pero con una inusitada agresividad desde 2010, la libertad de expresión y los periodistas de Honduras se encuentran bajo ataque permanente por parte de grupos, organizaciones e individuos hasta ahora no identificados. El periodista Medardo Flores, cercano al ex presidente Manuel Zelaya, es la última víctima de esta ola de violencia, dirigida contra los periodistas en Honduras. Con el debido respeto al gobierno de Porfirio Lobo, desde este espacio no es descabellado presumir que alguien con motivaciones muy particulares procura acallar a los periodistas. Presidente Lobo, “¿quién es el responsable de asesinar a los periodistas?” es la insistente pregunta que formulan varios frentes nacionales e internacionales. Las respuestas son el silencio y la impunidad. Sin embargo, este estado de arbitrariedad desemboca en una autocensura generalizada [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>Chile&#8217;s Student Rebels: Views From The Trenches</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/chiles-student-rebels-views-from-the-trenches/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/chiles-student-rebels-views-from-the-trenches/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 12 Aug 2011 17:59:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=13786</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Radio Toma, loosely translated as “Occupation Radio,” broadcasts non-stop information about the protests being staged in front of the University of Chile&#8217;s main building – literally a stone&#8217;s throw away from the Presidential Palace of La Moneda. Since June 10, students have occupied the beautiful neoclassical 19th Century campus as the protests have continued to intensify around their one demand – to dismantle the market-based approach of the Chilean educational system, something they have scornfully come to label “Pinochet&#8217;s education.” “We just distrust the political class,” one of the students in front of Radio Toma told me. But even when the political establishment tried to discredit their protests, students’ responses turned out to be well-organized. They are fully cognizant of their role in trying to overhaul not only the educational system, but the tense democratic framework put in place by the Pinochet regime as well. The media so far has been complacent in its coverage. Except for the same international agencies which tend to cover the protests from the political trenches, Chilean media seemed very cozy inside the tall steel gates of the Club Hípico, where flustered cameramen and news commentators took pictures, argued about attendance and whether the march [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>5</slash:comments>
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		<title>Caos y Anarquía en Ecuador: ¿Un Golpe de Estado?</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/caos-y-anarquia-en-ecuador-%c2%bfun-golpe-de-estado/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/caos-y-anarquia-en-ecuador-%c2%bfun-golpe-de-estado/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 01 Oct 2010 19:32:03 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[All Countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Ecuador]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Español]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=10851</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[El siguiente artículo es una perspectiva de primera mano de los eventos que ocurrieron en Ecuador. Esta mañana, alrededor de 500 oficiales de policía se rebelaron y tomaron control del regimiento central en Quito. El presidente, Rafael Correa, como no pudo llegar a los líderes de la insurrección, trató de razonar con la policía hostigadora. Durante su confrontación con el regimiento, Correa fue abucheado por los oficiales. Hasta ese momento, la policía había estado protestando pacíficamente con cartones. El presidente, viendo sus reacciones hostiles, se quito su corbata y grito, “Señores, si quieren matar al presidente, aquí está: mátenme si les da la gana, mátenme si tienen valor”. Caos siguió y la policía tiro gas lacrimógeno. El presidente fue atrapado en el desorden y no pudo salir a tiempo de escaparse del gas lacrimógeno. Esta siendo tratado en el Hospital Policial cerca de donde tomo lugar el enfrentamiento. La agitación se extendió por todo el país. Los policías por toda la nación pararon de proteger a la población y el caos llegó a las calles. Ha habido asaltos y robos en unas partes del país, especialmente en Guayaquil, la ciudad más grande de Ecuador. Hay varios reportes de asaltos mayores [...]]]></description>
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		<item>
		<title>Hugo Chávez: This Year&#8217;s Challenges and Opportunities</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/chavez-challenges/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/chavez-challenges/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Feb 2010 16:27:17 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Dissent]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Press Releases]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Venezuela]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hugo Chávez]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=8059</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[All 167 seats of the Venezuelan National Assembly will be in play this coming September, and the current 141-seat controlling stake of ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) appears to be at risk. Amid growing internal economic upheaval and violent street protests, Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s embattled president, is facing a sharp decline in his personal popularity and the possibility of a significant gain by the opposition in the upcoming legislative elections. Chávez has continued to use his soapbox to concoct fiery speeches, earning him additional enemies and alienating his friends due to his pugnacious style of rule and confrontational habits. Leadership: Consolidation and Corruption Shuffling his cabinet in recent weeks, Chávez has tightened his circle of advisers to an unprecedented degree in a very short span of time. As his strategy to restore public faith in his government’s qualifications and to continue to serve his fellow Venezuelans oscillates, his recent call to further consolidate power among his supporters in the country has prompted concern among those in the international community who refused to acknowledge any claims to his worthiness. Some are troubled by what they see as a trend towards burgeoning autocracy in the country. Following a local banking [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>29</slash:comments>
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