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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Chile</title>
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	<link>http://www.coha.org</link>
	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>Higher Education in Latin America 2011:The Burden of the Youth</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/higher-education-in-latin-america-2011the-burden-of-the-youth/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/higher-education-in-latin-america-2011the-burden-of-the-youth/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2012 19:29:06 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Colombia]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15568</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The high cost of public education combined with a deterioration in quality, two such consequences of the reforms being introduced to privatize education incited opposition in various Latin American states during 2011, particularly in Chile and Colombia. The regressive atmosphere of higher education and its production of inequitable returns, most attributable to the neoliberal Organic Constitutional Law on Education (LOCE), underlined the grievances of the student movement in Chile. Chilean activists finally ended their 6-month occupation of the Universidad de Chile, now planning for future demonstrations in 2012 after failing to influence a better funded education budget for the year. In Colombia, the occupations of public universities, the suspension of classes and the near forfeiture of an academic semester, were all reactive measures to the government’s reform of a 19-year-old law on higher education, which many believe would have accelerated the privatization of education and spur the financial collapse of public universities. After sustained opposition from student activists, the Colombian administration decided to revoke the legislation, now proceeding to draft a new reform measure together the nation&#8217;s student organizations. Three years after the global financial crisis triggered a wave of austerity measures across the world, the rising generation found itself systematically [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>The Internet and Latin America: The Rise of the Virtual World and Emerging Cyber Security Issues</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-internet-and-latin-america-the-rise-of-the-virtual-world-and-emerging-cyber-security-issues/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-internet-and-latin-america-the-rise-of-the-virtual-world-and-emerging-cyber-security-issues/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2011 18:57:14 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Honduras]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15444</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Throughout the world, many regions have embraced the internet as a vital communication and business tool, and Latin America has been no exception. While demonstrably the expansion of internet usage has not rivaled that of the United States, Europe, or some Asian states like South Korea and Japan, the growth of the internet in the region continues at a steady tempo. Additionally, we are witnessing a rise in the importance of cyber security as cases of hacking and other cybercrimes proliferate. Growth of the Internet in Numbers In terms of numbers, the level of internet use in Latin America is certainly not as widespread as it has been in Europe or other highly developed regions, given constraints such as adverse economic indicators, poverty levels, and even geography, but the number of internet users in Latin America has grown over the past decade. Currently, the countries with the most internet users among Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America are Chile, Argentina and Venezuela.[1] According to a June 2011 report by AMPARO,[2] a project managed by the Latin American and Caribbean internet Addresses Registry (LACNIC), there are currently over 200 million users in Latin America and the Caribbean. Throughout the region, there has [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>6</slash:comments>
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		<title>Latin America&#8217;s Pacific Alliance Plans for 2012</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/latin-americas-pacific-alliance-plans-for-2012/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/latin-americas-pacific-alliance-plans-for-2012/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 21 Dec 2011 17:21:21 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Colombia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peru]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15405</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[During the Second Pacific Alliance Summit on December 4, 2011, held in Mérida, Mexico, the Heads of State of Mexico, Chile, Colombia, and Peru took a significant step towards the formation of what could turn out to be an unprecedented trading alliance, inspired by the July 28, 2011 Presidential Declaration of Lima . In its initial period, the coalition will consist of the aforementioned countries. However, the current members are encouraging additional Latin America countries to join once they meet the essential requirements, which are: the recognition of the validity of the rule of law and the respective constitutional orders, the separation of branches of government, and protection of and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Panama’s President Ricardo Martinelli participated in the summit as an observer, indicating the country’s interest in joining the trade alliance, although the Panamanian president would find it difficult to qualify as a hard-core democrat. According to Mexican President Felipe Calderón, the allied countries combined represent a population of 200 million, fifty percent of Latin America’s imports and exports, and over thirty-four percent of the region’s Gross National Product (GNP). In addition, the president mentioned that the association would surpass the trade volume of [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>5</slash:comments>
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		<title>Brasil, Chile y Bolivia: El endeble equilibrio económico-ambiental</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/brasil-chile-y-bolivia-el-endeble-equilibrio-economico-ambiental/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/brasil-chile-y-bolivia-el-endeble-equilibrio-economico-ambiental/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 07 Dec 2011 12:16:41 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Bolivia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Español]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15291</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Esmerados en satisfacer su demanda de energía, los Gobiernos de Brasil y Chile impulsan proyectos de construcción de represas que enardecen la resistencia de grupos aborígenes. En Bolivia, se han organizado manifestaciones de tribus indígenas en rechazo de la propuesta de construcción de una autopista que atravesaría la zona donde subsisten. Involucrado en cada conflicto se encuentra también el poder judicial, que ha ordenado la suspensión de los proyectos en varias oportunidades. ¿Cuán compatibles son el impulso urbanizador y la búsqueda de la sostenibilidad ambiental y la conservación de los suelos? ¿Es concebible un modelo de desarrollo que no comprometa el medio ambiente y que respete los derechos de los grupos aborígenes? Interrogantes básicas de esta índole asoman en Brasil, Bolivia y Chile, tres países donde se registra un auge económico, en diversas manifestaciones, que exige inversiones en materia de energía e infraestructura. En cada miembro de esta tríada se debaten actualmente determinados proyectos que, salvando las considerables distancias, han provocado protestas y otros enfrentamientos entre gobernantes y gobernados. A su vez, enfocar tales conflictos desde un punto de vista global presenta la clásica pregunta: ¿Cómo actuar ante dos modos tan distintos de medir los beneficios del “progreso”? Brasil: La [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<title>The Price of Civilization: Brazil, Bolivia, and Chile, Trapped between Development and Environmental Constraints</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-price-of-civilization-brazil-bolivia-and-chile-trapped-between-development-and-environmental-constraints/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-price-of-civilization-brazil-bolivia-and-chile-trapped-between-development-and-environmental-constraints/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2011 17:13:12 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Bolivia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chile]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Environment]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15226</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In Brazil and Chile, the government-backed plans to build two dams in order to increase their domestic energy supplies, have led to demonstrations by indigenous people to defend their access to their traditional lands. In Bolivia, a highway construction project has resulted in demonstrations by indigenous villagers living along the route of the proposed highway. Protests and demonstrations in these countries have been challenged in court where judges, in several key rulings, have suspended or halted construction projects. Introduction: Are urbanization and efforts toward environmental sustainability and land preservation compatible? Can we imagine a development strategy that does not destroy territory and also respects the rights of local indigenous populations? These are the fundamental questions that are arising in Brazil, Bolivia, and Chile; each of which are going through various types of economic booms that require investment in energy and infrastructure. In these countries, some projects under discussion, although widely different from each other, have generated protests and clashes between citizens and their governments. Placing these distinct disputes into a global perspective presents a classic problem: the clash between two different methodologies of weighing the benefits of “progress.” Brazil:  Belo Monte Dam The Belo Monte Dam, a proposed hydroelectric project [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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