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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Argentina</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>COHA Aide-mémoire: The Falklands/Malvinas Conflict</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-falklandsmalvinas-conflict/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-falklandsmalvinas-conflict/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2012 20:43:48 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Daily News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Kingdom]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United States]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15855</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[On Thursday February 9, 2012, COHA will be issuing an aide-mémoire that examines the intensifying hostility between two ancient friends, the United Kingdom and Argentina. The current sparring partners appear to be replaying the trails of the British-Argentine military engagement of 1982, which occurred at the beginning of the Reagan administration (a close ally of Prime Minister Thatcher&#8217;s administration). The COHA aide-mémoire is being compiled by COHA Director Larry Birns and Research Associate Alex Gibson. During the 1982 Falklands War, Birns was one of the most frequently heard commentators and analysts on the South Atlantic conflict. At the time of the Falklands/Malvinas dispute, Birns was frequently called upon by the media because of his long-time relationship with the then commander of the Argentina navy and because of his expertise on sovereignty issues regarding the Falklands. He was a regular on the BBC, CNN, Reuters, and scores of other national and international media outlets. Alex Gibson, the co-author of the memorandum, is a young journalist who has lived in Argentina for several years and recently completed a Fulbright Fellowship examining the roots of the Falklands War and the domestic traumas that led up to it.]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>“Saving” Children from Leftist Agendas: The Susurrant Role of the Catholic Church</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/saving-children-from-leftist-agendas-the-susurrant-role-of-the-catholic-church/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/saving-children-from-leftist-agendas-the-susurrant-role-of-the-catholic-church/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 16 Dec 2011 19:45:11 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Cuba]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15379</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The Catholic Church’s historical influence on authoritarian regimes in Latin America has been decidedly controversial, particularly in regards to its interactions with youth. The Catholic Welfare Bureau (CWB) in Miami, now known as Catholic Charities, played an active role in “saving children from communism” during the early years of the Cuban revolution through the covert Operation Pedro Pan, which consisted of a mass exodus of young people who were transported to Miami from December 1960 to October 1962. Similarly, during Argentina’s Dirty War, members of the Catholic Church conspired with the brutal military dictatorship led by the military junta head, General Jorge Rafael Videla (1976-1981). In an act of what they called good faith, Church members took away the young children and babies of leftist prisoners and found them “more suitable” parents. On February 28, 2011, a televised trial began in Buenos Aires which has focused on the cases of at least 34 children who were born to mothers being held as prisoners or that had been killed. Charges against the defendants include: &#8220;taking, retaining and hiding minors and changing their identities&#8221;. Recent testimonies of these covert adoptions’ victims have further hinted at the involvement of the Catholic Church in [...]]]></description>
		<wfw:commentRss>http://www.coha.org/saving-children-from-leftist-agendas-the-susurrant-role-of-the-catholic-church/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Business as Usual? – The United Kingdom’s Relationship with Latin America in 2011</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/business-as-usual-the-united-kingdoms-relationship-with-latin-america-in-2011/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/business-as-usual-the-united-kingdoms-relationship-with-latin-america-in-2011/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 11 Nov 2011 19:10:24 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[United Nations]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14908</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The British coalition government pledged to dedicate itself in late 2010 to establishing a closer relationship with Latin America. Despite the rhetoric, however, the British government’s efforts so far have been too narrowly focused on developing bilateral trade links, and neglected other important dimensions of a meaningful relationship with Latin America, namely promoting diplomacy within a context of constructive security. The shifting nature of global geopolitical influence and the ongoing rise of Latin America as a regional player (and its shift away from the traditional U.S. sphere of influence) require Whitehall to recognize that it must work to develop a closer and more robust relationship with the region, and can no longer rely on a mercantilist approach to foreign policy. The British government must re-assess and adjust its foreign policy to develop a close, long-lasting, holistic relationship with Latin America that is framed as much by a pursuit of good will as it is by commercial zeal. Last year marked the 200th anniversary of Simón Bolívar’s visit to Britain, during which the revolutionary leader sought support for the independence movement in Latin America.[1] Although the British government initially remained neutral in the struggle between Spain and Latin America, Britain became [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>3</slash:comments>
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		<title>Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Wins Re-election by a Landslide</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/cristina-fernandez-de-kirchner-wins-re-election-by-a-landslide-2/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/cristina-fernandez-de-kirchner-wins-re-election-by-a-landslide-2/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2011 15:52:09 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Blog]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14801</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Behind Every Great Man, There is a Great Woman On October 23, 2011, Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was re-elected by one of the widest margins in the country&#8217;s history. Sra. de Kirchner obtained fifty-four percent of the votes while her challenger, socialist Hermes Binner, acquired just seventeen percent. The provincial elections also confirmed the victory of Kirchner’s Peronist coalition; seven of eight governors were elected from the ranks of the ruling Frente para la Victoria. Ultimately, the opposition had hobbled itself by failing to unite behind a single candidate. Rivals like Eduardo Duhalde, a dissident Peronist, and Ricardo Alfonsín, member of the Radical Civil Union, divided the anti-Kirchner vote. The most likely successful candidate would have been Mauricio Macri, leader of the center-right, had he not declined to run. Macri is probably working up to the 2015 election, for which Kirchner will no longer be able to run due to constitutional rules that do not permit a president to exceed more than two consecutive terms. Kirchner’s successful re-election has been mainly due to economic growth under her administration, and this year alone, the growth rate is expected to increase to eight percent. This upward trend was stimulated in part [...]]]></description>
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		<item>
		<title>The Mottled Relationship: Iran and Latin America &#8211; A Brief Overview</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-mottled-relationship-iran-and-latin-america-a-brief-overview/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-mottled-relationship-iran-and-latin-america-a-brief-overview/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 27 Sep 2011 17:36:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Human Rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Venezuela]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14255</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was invited to visit President Hugo Chávez on September 24, but the trip was postponed as the Venezuelan head of state recovers from cancer. Ahmadinejad partially empties UN Hall with some of his harshest statements. Iranian influence in Latin America is sometimes more fiction than fact. Befriending Iran’s repressive regime is somewhat contradictory for Latin American governments that openly crow their respect for democracy and human rights. Does Brazil really mean to have a creditable relationship with one of the most disreputable players and human rights violators? In an ironic twist, Chávez is credited for mediating with the Iranian government to free two American hikers. The attacks against Israeli centers in Argentina in 1992 and 1994 continue to be a source of tension, but in Buenos Aires, business comes first. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Latin America have been fostering closer relationships for more than a decade, working towards building cohesive diplomatic relations and strengthening economic agreements. These ties began with Cuba’s championing of the 1979 Iranian revolution, and today those connections also extend to Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and the ever-controversial Venezuela, with these amplified ties being sedulously cultivated by [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>2</slash:comments>
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