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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Uruguay</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>Winds of Change: Uruguay&#8217;s Sustainable Energy Plans</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/winds-of-change-uruguays-sustainable-energy-plans/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/winds-of-change-uruguays-sustainable-energy-plans/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 01 Sep 2011 17:53:42 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uruguay]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=13958</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Uruguay has a dearth of hydrocarbon resources and is vulnerable to energy shortages. To reduce reliance on foreign energy imports, Uruguay is implementing a plan to ensure long-term energy security based on renewable energy sources. Uruguay’s neighbors should follow its lead in implementing sustainable energy plans to meet future needs. The weighty challenge the Uruguayan government faces in securing sufficient energy supplies was brought into stark relief as a dispute began in July 2011 between Argentina and Paraguay over the sale of Paraguayan electricity to Uruguay.[1] During this ongoing impasse between its neighbors, the Uruguayan government has expressed its frustration over Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s refusal to allow the transportation of surplus Paraguayan electricity to Uruguay via the Argentine power grid.[2] Uruguay and Paraguay claim that the Fernández de Kirchner administration effectively blocks such a transfer by charging almost five times the prevailing regional rate of USD 10 per Megawatt (MW) hour for power transmitted through the Argentine grid, because Argentina wishes to maintain its status as the sole purchaser of Paraguayan surplus power.[3] Prompted by this disagreement, in July 2011 Paraguayan delegates at the Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) Parliament called on Argentina to pay more for [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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		<title>Uruguay: A Bitter Lesson in Forgiving</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/uruguay-a-bitter-lesson-in-forgiving/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/uruguay-a-bitter-lesson-in-forgiving/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2011 13:29:28 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uruguay]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=12961</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Uruguayan Amnesty Law: A Bitter Lesson in Forgiving Minutes before an initiative that would annul Articles 1, 3, and 4 of the Law of Expiration of 1986 was put to a vote in the Uruguayan Chamber of Representatives, Victor Semproni, a dissident representative of the left-of-center Frente Amplio (Broad Front), announced that he would break ranks and vote against the initiative, thereby nullifying his party’s long-held position.  Because the Senate already had passed the initiative, a majority vote in the Chamber of Representatives would be the final requirement for the motion to be ratified into law, making his swing vote particularly critical.  If enacted, the initiative would authorize the prosecution and punishment of those who allegedly committed human rights violations during the period of military rule between 1973 and 1985. After 15 hours of arduous debate, however, the existing amnesty law was upheld at 5:30 in the morning of May 20th by a paper-thin majority of 50 to 49, marking the third reiteration of the current vote to uphold the Ley de Caducidad, or Law of Expiration of 1986.  Despite receiving support from various conservative parties, such as the National Party and the Colorado Party, the amnesty law still faces [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>5</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Latin America and State Recognition: Palestine, the Caucasus, Kosovo, and Taiwan</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/latin-america-and-state-recognition-palestine-the-caucasus-kosovo-and-taiwan/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/latin-america-and-state-recognition-palestine-the-caucasus-kosovo-and-taiwan/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 13 Dec 2010 19:58:58 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[All Countries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Argentina]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nicaragua]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uruguay]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Venezuela]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=11469</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[• Venezuela and Nicaragua recognize breakaway South Ossetia and Abkhazia • Taiwan and Kosovo, recognized by a number of Latin American states more likely due to national economic interest rather than abstract concepts of goodwill and friendship • Recognition of Palestine seen as latest example of Latin American divergence from U.S. influence In 2008, Russia fought a five-day war with Georgia, an independent nation in the southern Caucasus, which gained its independence following the breakup of the Soviet Union. While the details of the incident remain controversial, it is generally agreed that Georgia was the aggressor. One critical consequence of the conflict was that two Georgian separatist regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, were recognized relatively quickly as independent states by four countries: Russia, the Pacific island of Nauru and the Latin American countries of Venezuela and Nicaragua. Why were Venezuela and Nicaragua persuaded to recognize the two separatist states and what is the likelihood of a subsequent Latin American wave of recognition taking place? The experience of South Ossetia and Abkhazia may help highlight two distinct factors involved in the recognition process: 1. Although there is no recognition policy in effect, Latin American states tend to extend recognition to states [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>4</slash:comments>
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		<title>Uruguay Inaugurates Mujica: Life after Vázquez</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/uruguay-inaugurates-mujica-life-after-vazquez/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/uruguay-inaugurates-mujica-life-after-vazquez/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 07 May 2010 15:53:42 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uruguay]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=8868</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[• Mujica to elevate foreign policy as main driver of his presidency • Big domestic areas have been dealt with by Vázquez and now Mujica On March 1st, José “Pepe” Mujica, former guerilla and today social democrat and leader of the Frente Amplio (Broad Front-FA) political coalition, was inaugurated as President of Uruguay. The 74-year-old former Agriculture Minister triumphed in last November’s election with 52 % of the vote. The previous president and moderate Tabaré Vázquez of the FA became Uruguay’s first avowedly socialist leader and made a number of progressive changes to help improve the lot of the poorer segments of the population within the small nation. Now, the question is whether or not Mujica will dramatically change or follow the path of the previous administration; so far, Mujica has demonstrated his allegiance to Vázquez’s approach to governance. While Vázquez preeminently concerned himself with domestic affairs, Mujica, up until now, has displayed a distinct flair for foreign policy initiatives. Though both were active figures within FA, a political alliance that is becoming increasingly progressive in its political make-up, Mujica is not expected to veer too far from his New Deal-like orientation toward his Venezuelan counterpart, Hugo Chávez. Rather, they [...]]]></description>
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		<title>Former Tupamaro Revolutionary José Mujica’s Presidency Will Likely Follow the Incumbent’s Successful Policies</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/former-tupamaro-revolutionary-jose-mujica%e2%80%99s-presidency-will-likely-follow-the-incumbent%e2%80%99s-successful-policies/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/former-tupamaro-revolutionary-jose-mujica%e2%80%99s-presidency-will-likely-follow-the-incumbent%e2%80%99s-successful-policies/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Dec 2009 16:52:45 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Press Releases]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uruguay]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=7437</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[On November 29, 2009, José “Pepé” Mujica of the left-center coalition, Frente Amplio (Broad Front-FA), won the run-off election in Uruguay with 53.2% of the vote compared to the 42.7% of his opponent, former president Luis Alberto Lacalle. Mujica’s win represents a consolidation of power for the FA, as the incumbent Tabaré Vázquez was not only the coalition’s first elected president, but also the first left-leaning leader since before the era of military rule, which lasted from 1973-85. Vazquez’s near 70% public approval rating paved the way for Mujica, who has promised to follow in his predecessor’s footsteps by continuing his moderate social and market-friendly reforms, with little focus on foreign policy. Overview of the Tupamaros and the Frente Amplio The National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros originated in the 1960s as an urban guerrilla group seeking to propagate its agenda of political and social change. It was established to rebel against the highly bureaucratic government in Uruguay, at a time when the country was experiencing high unemployment and inflation, as well as a steep decline in its standard of living. The Tupamaros’ initial acts of resistance included robbing banks and businesses, and then distributing the stolen funds to the poor. Eventually, the [...]]]></description>
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