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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Jamaica</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>The CARICOM Blueprint for Illicit Drug Trafficking</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/the-caricom-blueprint-for-illicit-drug-trafficking/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/the-caricom-blueprint-for-illicit-drug-trafficking/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2011 21:05:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Bahamas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Puerto Rico]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15474</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Drug trafficking and related violence is on the rise throughout the Caribbean at a time that the region is being heavily influenced by organized Latin American criminal groups. U.S./Mexico border controls have been profoundly tightened, resulting in a growing spillover of drugs into the wider Caribbean. The Caribbean’s natural landscapes and diffuse geographical locations make it appealing for drug traffickers who take advantage of such terrain that features long often uncontrolled coastlines and mountainous interiors for the growth and transportation of narcotics. The role of the U.S. has increased with the creation of the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative, targeted on helping to combat the growing menace of the drug trafficking phenomenon. Drug traffickers target vulnerable CARICOM islands such as Haiti to earn big profits by corrupting high officials. The 1970s marked the dawning of the drug trafficking phenomenon in the Caribbean. Since then, the tentacles of this multibillion-dollar illegal industry has plagued the West Indian islands with expanding drug cartel ramifications from Central and South America which continue to make use of the islands as a channel to deliver supplies to high-demand markets in the United States and Europe. Drug cartels use the Caribbean as a mode of transit, mainly [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>An Economy Blinded by the Sun</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/an-economy-blinded-by-the-sun/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/an-economy-blinded-by-the-sun/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Sep 2011 20:48:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Bahamas]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Barbados]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Caribbean]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dominica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dominican Republic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Economic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Free Trade]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[St. Lucia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Trinidad & Tobago]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14243</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[It’s a Small World After All As globalization has carried with it a greater degree of potential for economic integration among different nations, the tiny English-speaking Caribbean states are fighting for their place in an ever-shrinking world. Aside from the potential boon associated with globalization, the spread of free trade and increased competition between transnational corporations could pose another considerable threat to vulnerable Caribbean nations that are often ill-equipped to retaliate against more economically formidable societies. As far back as the eighteenth century, national economies experienced the initial phases of industrial capitalism. During this era imperial powers, such as England and Spain, exploited the colonies, forcing them to export raw materials to the mother-countries for processing, which prevented the Caribbean islands from achieving a proper degree of progress. For instance, the island nation of Saint Kitts and Nevis historically had come to depend heavily upon on sugar exports and had the potential to complete the entire production process from inception to launch. However, raw sugar was then required to be shipped to England for refinement, after which the Saint Kitts and Nevis government had to pay to import granulated sugar back to their island.[1] In the 1960s, after centuries of [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
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		<title>One-way Ticket or Circular Flow: Changing Stream of Remittances to Latin America</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/one-way-ticket-or-circular-flow-changing-stream-of-remittances-to-latin-america/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/one-way-ticket-or-circular-flow-changing-stream-of-remittances-to-latin-america/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2011 07:48:14 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[El Salvador]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14755</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Inside houses held together by a collection of sticks, mud brick and plastic table cloths one can hear the hum of a stainless-steel refrigerator and the shrill buzz of a flickering thirty-inch color television set.  These appliances of modern convenience mix casually with poverty, a contrast almost obscenely commonplace throughout many parts of Latin America and especially Central America. Small towns in the campo, where unemployment seems to run close to  90 percent and the only males remaining are either below the age of sixteen or above the age of sixty, receive a steady stream of cash sent by former residents living more than a thousand miles away. Remittances from family members working in the U.S. constitute a significant portion of the GDP in many Latin American countries.  In Haiti, remittances compose a record 30 percent of GDP, followed by Honduras (25.6%), Guyana (24.5%), Jamaica (18.5%), and El Salvador (18.2%).   As a whole, Latin America receives USD 58.9 billion every year, dwarfing both U.S. FDI (USD 19.2 billion, 17% of total) and foreign aid (USD 448 million) to the region combined.  While remittances do not ultimately solve economic deficiencies in these countries, many families rely on them to survive.  These payments also help families send [...]]]></description>
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		<item>
		<title>U.S. Caribbean Policy Expands to Renewable Energy Initiatives</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/u-s-caribbean-policy-expands-to-renewable-energy-initiatives/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/u-s-caribbean-policy-expands-to-renewable-energy-initiatives/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 07 Jul 2011 19:41:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Caribbean]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[COHA Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dominica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Dominican Republic]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14726</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Source: U.S. Dept. of State Official Blog On June 22, Secretary Clinton attended the High-Level Caribbean-U.S. Conference to discuss progress in the areas of regional security and renewable energy. She reported a funding increase from USD 44 million to USD 77 million in the fiscal year 2011 for the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI), a program which consists of counter-trafficking and maritime security programs. Adding to the security funding, Secretary Clinton also announced the conferral of grant funding for pilot projects in renewable energy. Generally speaking, Caribbean nations struggle economically from high levels of debt, natural disasters, and an exodus of skilled workers to more developed countries. Their small sizes and  limited tax base generate a constant state of fiscal instability. As an extreme example, St. Kitts and Nevis’debt is 170 percent of their GDP.  In its support of the region, the U.S. State Department focuses broadly on developing institutional reform, youth programs, and human rights support. However, as the majority of U.S. support goes to defense and security spending, these broad and commendable goals are not reflected in the actual financial assistance. The Caribbean is a strategically located shipping route, making it critical in both formal international trade and illicit narco-trafficking. To defend [...]]]></description>
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		<title>Jamaica: Different Drug War, Different Strategy</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/jamaica-different-drug-war-different-strategy/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/jamaica-different-drug-war-different-strategy/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 25 May 2010 21:17:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=9086</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A state of emergency was declared in certain areas of Kingston, Jamaica on Sunday, as violence broke out over the extradition of accused drug lord and local hero Christopher “Dudus” Coke. Coke is the alleged head of the “Shower Posse,” a gang that has committed scores of drug-related murders in both Jamaica and the United States since the 1980s. Washington is seeking the extradition of Coke based on charges lodged in the U.S. for trafficking in drugs and weapons. The original request for extradition was made more than nine months ago, but until very recently Prime Minister Bruce Golding and his party, the Jamaican Labour Party (JLP), had dragged their feet when it came to handing Coke over to U.S. authorities. When Golding, pressured by Washington, reluctantly changed his mind and agreed to Coke’s extradition; residents of the JLP-controlled Kingston neighborhood Tivoli Gardens, Coke’s power base, exploded in protest. Popular support: strong, but not always armed Tivoli Gardens is now surrounded by barricades, constructed by local residents who aim to keep authorities out and prevent the extradition of Coke. Made out of derelict vehicles and other debris, these barricades and the armed partisans crouched behind them demonstrate the intense house-to-house [...]]]></description>
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