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	<title>Council on Hemispheric Affairs &#187; Guyana</title>
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	<description>COHA is an NGO specialized in monitoring Latin American and Canadian Relations for more than 30 years...</description>
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		<title>Guyana’s Elections Falter At the Last Curve</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/guyanas-elections-falter-at-the-last-curve/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/guyanas-elections-falter-at-the-last-curve/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov 2011 18:52:40 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Daily News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15191</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Since November 29 2011, the culmination of this year’s Guyanese general elections establishing the official figures for the ballot have been delayed as electoral officials continue to count votes. While the numbers are being verified by the General Elections Commission (GECOM), its chairman, Dr. Steve Surujbally has justified the postponement by reiterating the necessity for thoroughness and efficiency before releasing the election’s preliminary results. The Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission (OAS/EOM), which sent an observer delegation to monitor the electoral process and the transition of government scheduled for Guyana, echoed Dr. Surujbally’s sentiment and backed the electoral authority’s methodology of establishing and issuing credible results. In addition to the OAS/EOM, international observer committees from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the Commonwealth have also been involved in monitoring the elections. While intended to offer additional legitimacy to the electoral process, the lull before the impending results could become an occasion for controversy and cause unwelcome tensions between the ethnically polarized parties to escalate. The People’s National Congress (PNC), now under the umbrella of A Partnership for National Unity (APNU) along with a host of smaller parties, is the main opposition coalition attempting to topple the incumbent People’s Progressive Party [...]]]></description>
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		<title>Elecciones en Guyana: Un traspié en la recta final</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/elecciones-en-guyana-un-traspie-en-la-recta-final/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/elecciones-en-guyana-un-traspie-en-la-recta-final/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Nov 2011 15:15:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Daily News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Español]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=15712</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Desde el 29 de noviembre se ve demorada la culminación de las elecciones guyanesas: hasta la jornada siguiente, los funcionarios electorales continuaban con el escrutinio a fin de determinar las cifras oficiales del acto electoral. A medida que se avanza con el conteo de votos en la Comisión Electoral de Guyana, el presidente del organismo, Dr. Steve Surujbally, declaró que la postergación del anuncio se fundamenta en la necesidad de lograr precisión y eficiencia antes de emitir los resultados preliminares. Las declaraciones de Surujbally encontraron aval en la Misión de Observación de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA), que respaldó la metodología del organismo electoral en su determinación y emisión de resultados electorales. La OEA había enviado una delegación de veedores a fin de controlar el acto electoral y la correcta transición de Gobierno en Guyana, de cuya inspección se encargaron también veedores internacionales de la Comunidad del Caribe y de la Mancomunidad de Naciones. Al colocarse este paréntesis ante al inminente anuncio de resultados a fin dotar de mayor legitimidad al acto electoral, es posible que la demora dé pie a controversia y así intensifique inoportunamente la tensión entre los partidos políticos de Guyana, símbolos de la polarización étnica [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>One-way Ticket or Circular Flow: Changing Stream of Remittances to Latin America</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/one-way-ticket-or-circular-flow-changing-stream-of-remittances-to-latin-america/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/one-way-ticket-or-circular-flow-changing-stream-of-remittances-to-latin-america/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2011 07:48:14 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[El Salvador]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Haiti]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jamaica]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mexico]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=14755</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Inside houses held together by a collection of sticks, mud brick and plastic table cloths one can hear the hum of a stainless-steel refrigerator and the shrill buzz of a flickering thirty-inch color television set.  These appliances of modern convenience mix casually with poverty, a contrast almost obscenely commonplace throughout many parts of Latin America and especially Central America. Small towns in the campo, where unemployment seems to run close to  90 percent and the only males remaining are either below the age of sixteen or above the age of sixty, receive a steady stream of cash sent by former residents living more than a thousand miles away. Remittances from family members working in the U.S. constitute a significant portion of the GDP in many Latin American countries.  In Haiti, remittances compose a record 30 percent of GDP, followed by Honduras (25.6%), Guyana (24.5%), Jamaica (18.5%), and El Salvador (18.2%).   As a whole, Latin America receives USD 58.9 billion every year, dwarfing both U.S. FDI (USD 19.2 billion, 17% of total) and foreign aid (USD 448 million) to the region combined.  While remittances do not ultimately solve economic deficiencies in these countries, many families rely on them to survive.  These payments also help families send [...]]]></description>
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		<title>Uncharted Territory in Guyanese Legislative Elections</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/uncharted-territory-in-guyanese-legislative-elections/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/uncharted-territory-in-guyanese-legislative-elections/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 15 Jul 2011 13:46:36 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[COHA Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=13285</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Guyana’s two main political parties, the PPP and PNC, are the favorites to have their presidential candidate assume office in the upcoming legislative elections The country’s colonial past, in addition to internal divisions within the PPP, has contributed to its current racial divide Current president Bharrat Jagdeo’s administration has tarnished the PPP’s image, leaving it politically weakened A third party, the Alliance for Change (AFC), could decide whether the PPP or PNC gains a parliamentary majority As Guyana prepares for its upcoming parliamentary elections, tensions between its two major political parties ride high.  The People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and the People’s National Congress (PNC), bitter adversaries since their inception in the 1950s, are the main contenders for the presidency, with the majority party’s presidential candidate assuming office.  Guyana, a small nation of fewer than 800,000 people, is a former British colony and South America’s lone English-speaking country.[i] The ramifications of British colonial influence have played a significant role in the development of the country’s turbulent post-independence political profile.  Racial tensions often have ignited widespread riots and violence, and citizens are increasingly voting along strictly ethnic lines.  To better understand the contemporary nature of Guyanese politics, it is worth examining how [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>12</slash:comments>
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		<item>
		<title>Guyanese President Leaves a Tattered Legacy</title>
		<link>http://www.coha.org/guyanese-president-leaves-a-tattered-legacy/</link>
		<comments>http://www.coha.org/guyanese-president-leaves-a-tattered-legacy/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 26 Jan 2011 21:05:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Front Page]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Guyana]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[In the News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Press Releases]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Reports]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Uncategorized]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.coha.org/?p=11585</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Stagnation, violence, corruption, arch-sectarianism, and unfettered crime—this is the heritage that President Bharrat Jagdeo will bequeath to his country. Now that Jagdeo has announced that he will not seek a third term in the upcoming August election, he may well ask, as a New York mayor once did, “How did I do?” The answer, in this instance, must be: “terribly.” Chosen by former President Janet Jagan to succeed her in office, and supposedly held in high esteem by Guyana’s founding father, the illustrious Cheddi Jagan, Jagdeo could only receive the lowest of marks from any independent evaluation. Through his tolerance of crime, racism, and dismal social progress, President Jagdeo has turned in a fifth-rate performance as president of one of the poorest countries in the hemisphere. As the Guyanese use every strategy, legal and illegal, to flee the dysfunctional country, Jagdeo will go down in history as a man who did almost nothing for his nation while in office. Jagdeo in Command? As Guyana was wrestling with ever-present ethnic and political tensions, Jagdeo ascended to the presidency in 1999, not by election but rather through the anointment of his predecessor, Janet Jagan, thus taking the helm with no popular electoral [...]]]></description>
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		<slash:comments>59</slash:comments>
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