• The bodies of three
would-be Mexican immigrants were found last week in a standing freight
car along the Southwest U.S. border, bringing the year’s death
toll to 120.
• The Fox and Bush administrations
vow to work together to save lives but have conflicting agendas for
a possible method for future regularized immigration.
• With issues of security
losing precedence, Fox wants to renew discussions that foundered after
September 11.
• Will the Bush administration
recognize that tightened security and massive technologies may not be
the most fruitful approach to creating a safe and effective border?
Last Tuesday, the bodies of three Mexican immigrants,
two men and a 16-year old boy, were found in a parked freight car
east of Houston, bringing the year’s death toll along the U.S.-Mexico
border to 120. At least one of the three survivors of this tragedy
was able to seek help from family members living in Austin and aid
authorities in locating the victims’ bodies. The six individuals
appear to have illegally crossed the border last Friday near Del Rio,
Texas, by jumping onto a temporarily stopped freight train and locking
themselves inside. While the survivors managed to escape by fastening
their clothing together as rope in order to climb from the stifling
car, they were forced to leave their dying friends and family members
behind. The above incident and last month’s discovery of 19
bodies in a truck in Victoria, Texas are only the most recent cases
in a string of ghastly immigrant deaths that continue taking their
toll along the U.S.-Mexico border. The deaths are a persistent and
tangible reminder of the Bush administration’s relative neglect
of the immigration issue.
Mexican Immigration and the United
States
Now composing 13 percent of the total population,
Hispanics have become the largest minority in the United States. According
to the 2000 U.S. Census, over 35 million individuals identified themselves
as Hispanic or Latino. Of those individuals, approximately two-thirds
identified themselves as Mexican. From 2000 to 2001, the Hispanic
population of the U.S. grew four times faster than the general population,
and as it continues to expand, it is diffusing throughout the country.
Over 50 percent of U.S. metropolitan areas are now experiencing an
upsurge of growth in their once relatively small enclaves of Hispanic
population. A 2002 report by the Washington-based Pew Hispanic Center
indicated that Atlanta, for example, saw a 995 percent increase in
its Hispanic population. Similarly, topping the list for growth are
Charlotte, North Carolina, with a 930 percent increase and Sarasota,
Florida, with a 538 percent increase.
As the Hispanic population in the United States
grows at an explosive rate, the community becomes more of a player
in the U.S. political process. The number of registered Hispanic voters
has increased from 2.5 million in 1972 to 7.6 million in 2000, making
their presence of growing importance. More than 12 million U.S.-born
Hispanics are under the age of 18, and 60 percent of the total Hispanic
population remains ineligible to vote. As the migration trend continues,
and Hispanics currently in the U.S. come of age, the community’s
potential votes and influence will continue to grow.
The 1,940-mile border between the United States
and Mexico is one of the most turbulent crossing points in the world,
with approximately 10,000 illegal aliens crossing each day and almost
3 million every year. Of those individuals making the attempt, about
one-third are apprehended and a small number die during their efforts.
Since the border section between Mexico and California has the most
stringent security and the largest number of personnel, the majority
of Mexican migrants choose to travel through the Arizona desert. Officials
along the Arizona border report deaths nearly every day and admit
that others go unreported and unnoticed. According to a report by
Mexican consulates, the border-wide death toll from 2002 was reported
at 371. As this year’s body count reaches the same number from
this point last year, one can only expect approximately the same total
for 2003.
The typical Mexican worker earns about one-tenth
that of an American counterpart, providing a powerful economic incentive
to attempt the illegal passage. Those who have managed to enter the
U.S. represent an important stimulant to Mexico’s economy. Each
year illegal aliens earn about $60 billion in the U.S., making remittances
from Mexicans in the U.S. one of their homeland’s largest streams
of revenue. As long as there is hope for a better life across the
border, Mexican citizens will continue to brave the Arizona desert.
As so many make the often perilous journey in search of a job in the
U.S., some small Mexican towns have been left completely devoid of
adult males. With migration occurring at such a staggering rate, some
mechanism must be set in place to regulate the movement.
The Contradicting Approaches of Bush
and Fox
News of the latest freight train tragedy comes
at a critical time, as Mexican President Vicente Fox is once again
trying to catch the attention of the Bush administration for action
on a new immigration policy, and thereby deflecting popular awareness
of his electorate from his failure to create new jobs in Mexico’s
sluggish economy. While the two leaders have, in the past, seen themselves
as partners and friends, actions taken by the Bush administration
continue to conflict what Fox sees as the future of Mexican-U.S. relations.
In a common effort to save lives, U.S. officials,
with the cooperation of Mexico, have decided to implement Operation
Desert Safeguard, adding 150 Border Patrol agents to the area along
Arizona’s southern border. They will strengthen border security,
increase staff, and add helicopter and air surveillance over this
area known as the “Corridor of Death” in order to supply
help when needed, as they apprehend those trying to make the passage
to the U.S. Although this project was designed as a joint effort to
decrease the death toll and provide safety measures, most Mexican
politicians take the position that they are tired of having to view
their compatriots as criminals and as a threat to U.S. security. They
argue that instead of tightening the border, both governments should
be looking to regularize and stipulate the flow of an agreed upon
number of workers across the border. Unfortunately, while the U.S.
sees the rising death toll mainly as an issue for law enforcement,
Mexico views the problem from a political perspective that emphasizes
the U.S. failure to decriminalize migrant labor coming from the country.
The immigration question invites a comparison
with current policy on Cuban immigration into the United States. The
U.S. and Cuba came to an agreement that facilitated legal migration
by allowing 20,000 visas per year to be allotted to future Cuban migrants
through a lottery system. Any Cuban who physically lands in the United
States is eligible to begin the process leading to citizenship. Why
has the U.S. successfully regulated Cuban immigration and yet refused
to make a similar deal with Mexico?
As the backbone of many industries depending
on cheap labor in the U.S., Mexican immigrants are undeniably a crucial
component of the U.S. labor force. With both the U.S. and Mexico’s
interests in mind, Fox has proposed a “sector-by-sector”
approach to work visas that would begin with granting priority to
bilingual teachers and nurses to fill the current short supply of
professionals in those fields in the United States. In the past two
years, Mexico has also attempted to cooperate with Washington’s
security efforts and has taken a number of steps to strengthen border
security and bolster anti-terror precautions. Now Fox needs Bush to
reciprocate by recognizing that Mexican immigrants are hard workers
who play an important role in the economic success of the United States.
Mexican politicians are looking for Washington to resume talks that
would involve recognition of Mexico as a unique case for U.S. immigration
policy. Its geographical location alone should afford it at least
the same attention as Cuba.
It has been almost two years since September
11 and with the war in Iraq at a close, Fox continues to hope and
anticipate that the Bush administration will reintroduce Mexican immigration
onto its agenda. However, Washington still appears to be only interested
in tightening security as a method of regulation. Despite Mexican
hopes at the time, today’s atmosphere remains profoundly different
from the optimism of only two years ago.
The Discussion Before September 11
When both leaders took office, they vowed to
create a more “safe and orderly” flow of Mexican workers
to the United States. Having made the issue a priority in his presidential
campaign, Fox initiated his term by dedicating himself to the creation
of an enlightened immigration program. In early September 2001, he
was hopeful for an effective immigration agreement between Mexico
and the United States by the end of the year. There was a great deal
of optimism regarding the creation of a temporary guest-worker program
and a possible plan to legalize several million undocumented Mexicans
living and working in the United States. Fox’s national security
advisor at the time, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, confirmed that “President
Bush has made it clear, privately and publicly, he’s committed
to this.” In Washington, then-press secretary Ari Fleischer
said that Bush was determined to work with the Mexican government
and improve "what has been a disorderly process" along the
border.
These discussions, which in retrospect can
be seen as the golden moments of Mexican-American relations, were
sidelined a week later. The attacks on September 11 drastically shifted
the focus of the Bush administration to the Middle East, terrorism,
and issues of national security. The relationship between Mexico and
the United States further deteriorated following Mexico’s opposition
to the U.S.-led war in Iraq, after which Washington exacted vengeance
on Mexico’s perceived treachery by lowering the curtain on any
progress towards an immigration agreement.
Mexican-Americans, Cuban-Americans
and U.S. Policymaking
The drastic discrepancy between the Bush administration’s
harsh treatment of Mexican immigrants and its whole-hearted acceptance
of Cuban immigrants can be clearly traced to the respective influence
of these communities in the United States. Wealthy and educated right-wing
Cuban émigrés in the United States have had an extraordinary
influence over U.S. policy towards Cuba. Regardless of their citizenship
status, this relatively small group of Latinos has come to play a
crucial role in Florida politics, creating a political and financial
mechanism through which to shape U.S. policy. Since emigrating from
Cuba, they have made major financial contributions to state and local
politicians who share their anti-Castro views, and aid in influencing
U.S. policy toward the island.
The Mexican community in this country, while
more than 15 times larger than that of Cubans, has not been nearly
as influential in Washington. Unlike the situation with Cuba, Mexico
has not exported its wealthy classes to the U.S. On the contrary,
less-educated and unemployed Mexicans come to the United States in
search of a better life. According to Glenn Spencer, president of
Voices of Citizens Together, a California-based non-profit group,
the huge stream of illegal immigrants from Mexico to the United States
are “importing poverty” and creating an ethnic community
that is more loyal to Mexico than to the United States. While their
numbers should give them significant political clout, their lack of
funds and influence has failed to open Washington’s eyes and
ears to this demographically compelling new factor in America’s
political life.
How Many Lives Will Be Lost?
Many believed the deaths of 19 illegal immigrants
last month would have generated the necessary pressure on Washington—even
if only on humanitarian grounds--to move to regularize the labor relationship
between the two countries. Although the most horrific smuggling case
in recent U.S. history, there may have been no reason to assume that
this one tragedy would be enough to make a difference. Just last fall,
grain elevator workers in Iowa found the mummified remains of 11 Mexican
immigrants, and similar cases are not as rare as one would hope.
Now with the news of three more deaths only
a few weeks after the tragedy in Victoria, Texas, it has become painfully
obvious that the Bush administration is underestimating the urgency
for progress on this issue. By tightening the control of the border,
it is possible that both Mexican and U.S. officials will be able to
reach their common aspiration of eliminating the growing number of
deaths on the border. But progress on this front still sidesteps the
more important question of legalization and regulation of Mexican
immigration. While some understand that the United States must enforce
immigration law and control its borders, others believe that the stricter
policies have simply cut off the safest routes and driven Mexicans
and other Latin Americans, intent on entering the U.S., to find alternate
and invariably more dangerous travel options.
In fact, according to México Solidarity,
a coalition of over 80 organizations fighting for human rights, economic
justice, and democracy in the United States and Mexico, migrant deaths
have increased by 500 percent along the U.S.-Mexico border since 1994.
That is the year that NAFTA coincided with “Operation Gatekeeper”,
a program that blocked the traditional border routes into California.
The question remains as to how many lives must be lost before the
U.S. looks for another method of regulating Mexican immigration. Fox
asserts that he will continue to press Washington until some program
has been agreed upon for a safe and controlled flow of Mexican migrants
into the United States. Surely, as his advisors ask, if such a formula
works for Cuba, why not Mexico?
This analysis was prepared by Laura
Orrico, research associate at the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.
Issued 10 June 2003
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