Washington Unmakes Guatemala, 1954

by Matthew Ward, COHA Research Fellow


5. Conclusion

 

The analysis of the U.S. government in arriving at a policy towards Guatemala has highlighted a number of national, organizational and personal factors. Predominantly, it was a geopolitical motive that was the most appropriate means of preventing the spread of Communist ideology and influence. Supporting this impulse were the intellectual, nationalist sentiments of U.S. statesmen, who sought to raise America’s prestige and power by creating an international order that redounded to their nation’s interest and glory and to create a nationalistic mood among the populace to generate domestic consent for this process. Finally, the U.S. imperialist drive was given a sharp edge by the organizational ambitions and aims of a body whose sole purpose was the implementation of imperialism and defense of the U.S. empire: the CIA.

 

The Cold War was the twentieth century’s great power struggle between the United States on one hand and the Soviet Union on the other. Each had created its own sphere of influence: the Pax Americana and the Socialist bloc. The imperialism of both these powers was driven by the global balance-of-power game, but the specifics of this competition were dictated by the nationalist, separatist and neutralist movements in the nations of the periphery, such as the one that manifested itself in Guatemala. As hesitant imperialists wary of the costs of imperial ventures, Western statesmen were content to encourage favorable economic and political relations with indigenous cliques, who in turn were eager to reap the benefits of modernization and the security of political affiliation. However, if the position of these Western-supported indigenous regimes were to become threatened—by internal or external forces—the dominant state might then be compelled to employ more direct and forceful means to maintain the status quo so beneficial to the imperialist state itself. The explanatory power of this conceptualization is considerable. We can see this dynamic at work throughout Latin American history and in many of the twentieth century’s major interventions such as Korea, Vietnam and Czechoslovakia. While in Guatemala the United States was prepared to condone the fall of Ubico, when it became clear that the revolutionary government which had replaced him was not a collaborative regime, the United States was then prepared to use force to restore the status quo, installing first Castillo Armas and then continuing to support the long list of venal but cooperative regimes that ruled Guatemala in the wake of his death. This theory also accounts for the state of dependency in which Guatemala and other Latin American nations found themselves. Rather than being a function of the deliberate and systematic collaboration between the U.S. government and private economic interests, the state of dependency can be viewed as being a structural one, resulting from the maintenance of outdated and non-progressive regimes whose value to the United States was their willingness to comply with Washington’s will.

 

Finally, in highlighting the CIA’s role in generating a policy of imperialism towards Guatemala, we are granted a clear illustration of Schumpeter’s conception of the role of anachronistic social structures in pursuing imperialist policies as a means of reinforcing their domestic position. [1] Comprising a blend of wartime intelligence functions whose purpose was spent, the CIA at its inception was in a position of weakness in which its very existence was threatened by internal forces. By securing a policy of regime change in Guatemala and proving itself a useful tool in imperialist processes, the CIA was thus able to preserve its status and influence. By recognizing the confluence of peripheral causes—in Communism and neutralism—as well as endogenous motives—in the balance of power, nationalism and the role of elitist social structures—the evidence in our study of Guatemala lends credence to the idea of a pluralistic model based both on peripheral and Western factors such as the one that Robinson espouses. [2] In Guatemala, we find a paradigm of imperialism that is driven chiefly by balance of power considerations. The creation of a mood of nationalism and the role of marginal groups and elitist social structures such as UFC and the CIA in generating such nationalist fervor; and the target of the imperialist policy dictated by conditions in the periphery. Finally, we see the preferred means of control to be informal in the establishment of a collaborative indigenous regime whose maintenance in power perpetuated a form of structural dependency.

 

In addition to the lack of theoretical development, the main critique of the power politics paradigm has been its lack of explanatory power. As Mommsen argues:

 

The weakness of this theoretical approach is shown clearly by the fact that power-political and strategic motives generally do not come into play until the manifold forms of indirect or informal imperialist penetration have proved to be unavailing [3]

 

Clearly, this argument has some validity. The means and methods of post-war U.S. imperialism have varied greatly and not always resulted in direct imperialist incursions. Indeed, even in Guatemala, where the imperialist response was forceful and direct, the means of control following the intervention were indirect: the installation and maintenance of a collaborative indigenous regime. However, this critique seems to mistake the means for the ends. If the ultimate aim of U.S. imperialist policy was to create a favorable balance of power situation, it matters little how this was accomplished. Indeed, there is considerable evidence to suggest that in these terms informal imperialism is the more profitable means of long-term control. As Robinson and Gallagher argued, formal imperialism is only deemed necessary if indirect means fail. [4] This is recognition of the costs of direct imperialism on the part of ruling elites. Informal imperialism is both more efficient and less costly, therefore, it is the preferred method.

 

Political imperialism need not necessarily be destructive in nature in practice the U.S. variant implemented in the Third World has fairly consistently been negative in nature, intent on dismantling regimes that challenge the U.S. system, rather than constructing or supporting political systems which are beneficial to members of the affected polity. While overt statements of intent have often espoused “nation-building,” “institution-building” and “democratization,” U.S. policy in practice has rarely evidenced any real commitment to following through on these lofty promises.

 

Nowhere is this clearer than in Guatemala, where a constructive democratic regime for a short period of time worked to improve the economic, social and political lives of its citizens. However, the nature of this administration was antithetical to U.S. imperial designs, and it was replaced with a regressive reactionary regime, which proceeded to dismantle the foundations laid by its predecessor. While the United States gave its support for this regime with presumably honorable intention of ensuring that the new regime continue to register respect for human rights, democracy and fundamental freedoms, and contributed large amounts of financial assistance towards realizing this goal, ultimately this did not transpire. Some have credited this to a lack of leverage resulting from the subject state’s awareness that the United States would now be obliged to support it; “State Department officials were unable to bargain with the junta on a quid pro quo basis because they knew—and the Guatemalans knew—the United States would never allow Castillo Armas to fail.” [5] While this may indeed have posed a dilemma to U.S. officials at the time, it cannot explain the prevailing U.S. attitude towards Guatemala over the following 40 years. Following Castillo Armas’ assassination in 1957—after three years of corruption, repression and regression—the United States continued to support a number of unsavory right-wing dictatorships in Guatemala that evinced a total lack of respect for democracy, fundamental freedoms, human rights or justice. A more fundamental basis for understanding the failure of U.S. imperialism to deliver on its promises of freedom and development in the Third World is a dwindling reserve of political capital being invested in peripheral nations whose cooperation has been secured.

 



[1] See Schumpeter (1918), Imperialism and Social Classes.

[2] Robinson (1972), “Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism”.

[3] Mommsen (1977), Theories of Imperialism, pp. 75–76.

[4] Robinson and Gallagher (1953), The Imperialism of Free Trade.

[5] Cullather (1999), Secret History, p. 117.


 

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