HERBERT GOLD CHARGES in the san francisco chronicle:

After Cocaine, Haiti's Most Successful Export Product Is Knee-jerkism

Herbert Gold, San Francisco Chronicle, 2004-04-26

Haiti Democracy Project web page item #2191 (http://www.haitipolicy.org)

(San Francisco Chronicle, 11 April 04)

 

After cocaine, Haiti's most successful export product is knee-jerkism

By Herbert Gold

 

Knees that jerk also have the gift of speech; here's what they say about Haiti: The George W. Bush administration set out to depose the democratic

president of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, because malign American forces wanted to control Haiti's resources and cheap labor.

 

Wrong.

 

There was no conceivable benefit to Bush or the United States in amplifying the chaos of a destroyed nation.  The United States can't spare the troops

already sent, or the increased military forces which will need to be sent.  There are no natural resources (this time no oil, folks) in Haiti.  Cheap

labor is economically useless in a society sunk into violent anarchy; businesses won't take the chance of investment.

 

At one time Aristide was overwhelmingly popular, called "The Messiah" by a desperate population.  After the coup which deposed him, he was brought back

in 1994 by over 20,000 American troops ( Times change. Last week, U.S. authorities threatened to indict him for drug smuggling).

 

At the celebratory Mass in the Port-au-Prince cathedral after his return, he promised a fresh start for his nation.  He abolished the corrupt and

brutal Haitian army.  He agreed to privatize the corrupt state enterprises, run and bled by the MCE's, the Morally Corrupt Elite.  He accepted these

conditions in return for substantial aid.

 

Back in office, he violated his agreements; the foreign aid was suspended.  For the corrupt and brutal Haitian army, he substituted his personal gangs,

thugs called "Chimeres" or the "Cannibal Army," who had licenses to deal drugs, extort and murder rivals to Aristide's one-party reign.  During my

three trips to Haiti during the past several years, there was continual news of assassinations of political critics.  None was solved. Jonathan Demme has made a documentary film, "The Agronomist," about the murder of his friend Jean Dominique, the most popular Haitian radio journalist.  Aristide was clearly implicated.

 

In the town of Petit Goave, the mayor, a member of Aristide's Lavalas party, one day stated a policy of "zero tolerance" for dissent.  The next

day a local journalist was slaughtered with machetes in the street.  Many witnesses, no one arrested.  I asked if anybody would be charged.  The answer

was a shrug and a finger to the mouth and advice not to bother my head with further silly questions.

 

Recently on KPFA radio I heard an American from the East Bay, whom I happen to know, shouting excitedly that Aristide was led handcuffed, a gun to his

head, to the plane that carried him into exile.  ("This is Kevin Pina, special correspondent for Pacifica, on the ground in Port-au-Prince, Haiti... '') Aristide himself talks to his supporters about "American troops ... white American soldiers!" who forced him out.  Wrong.  He left to avoid a bloodbath, including his own.  Very likely his wife, a lawyer raised in the United States, suggested:  Hey, let's not get killed, it's not good for our health, let's just say we were expelled by the racist Americans.  That way we can be martyrs and heroes, plus live to enjoy it.

 

The corruption watch group, Transparency International, only ranked Jean-Claude (a.k.a. Baby Doc or Furniture Face) Duvalier sixth on its list of heads of state who have stolen the most money, between Milosovic of Yugoslavia ($1 billion) and Fujimori of Peru ($600 million).  We should be forgiving about his weak standing, estimated at a take of between a mere $300 and $800 million dollars.  His country was a poor one; hard to compete.  He did the best he could, but as luck would have it, his family, friends, and ex-wife carried off most of his booty, properly stolen by him, so now he can't even pay the gardener to mow the lawn at his villa in southern France.  Contributions are invited; bring your own shrub trimmer.

 

Recently, Baby Doc, slimmed down somewhat by this gardening travails, was sighted in Florida, ready to return to Haiti if they ask nicely.  A stash of

several hundred thousand dollars was found in Aristide's mansion when he hurriedly departed.  As Haitians say, in their country there are mountains

beyond the mountains and, for presidents, money tomorrow beyond the few dollars trickling today into the national treasury.

 

Which brings us to the role of the Congressional Black Caucus, the well-worn New and Less New Left, and the knee-jerk street political thinkers,

their bullhorns still warm from yesterday's rally.  Aristide always seemed to have plenty of money for his propagandists, importing allies for care

and feeding, paying lawyers and lobbyists to represent him abroad, sweet-talking folks hypnotized by his pious demeanor, his reiteration of

"l'amour, la paix," -- peace, love -- as if pronouncing these words with eyes raised to heaven could somehow bring peace and love to Haiti.  Call

these followers the Bon Ton Macoutes; call them the Coalition of the Willing to Be Manipulated.

 

A declaration from a group of Haitian feminist organizations, the National Coordination for Advocacy of Women's Rights, expresses "shock and outrage"

at their "dear Sisters of the Caribbean" for swallowing the p.c. line about Aristide.  The declaration details Lavalas-sponsored murders, suppression of

free elections, drug dealing, stagnation and profiteering at the expense of the Haitian people.  It begs the "dear Sisters" to pay attention to the dear

facts. Aristide, brought back with so much hope, plus his guitar, turned out to be a predator in his own unctuous way as so many other Haitian

leaders.  One long day at the National Palace, I watched him gaze into the self-reflecting mirror of the adoring who paraded before him.  Where Baby

Doc scattered coins to the mob, "Titid" strummed his guitar and sang folk songs.

 

At a rally on Market Street in San Francisco, fully outfitted with leaflets, placards, and a declaration by an East Bay congresswoman (CIA OUT

OF HAITI! BRING BACK ARISTIDE!), I listened to a young woman denounce the "racist Bush CIA coup."  She described herself as Haitian, but when I spoke to her in Creole, it turned out that she had left as a child and spoke no French or Creole.  I asked if she believed the ardent words she had just yelled into the microphone. She shrugged and said, "I don't know." Maybe.  "My parents don't like Aristide, so I ..." And charmingly, eloquently, she shrugged again.

 

"I don't know" is a good answer to questions about the salvation of Haiti, but of course it's not as dramatic as screaming, "CIA! BUSH! RACISM!" into a microphone.  A plausible demagogue like the wispy former priest Aristide can travel in style with his more extensive vocabulary, his stash of cash, and friends like Congresspersons Barbara Lee, D-Oakland, Maxine Waters, D-Los Angeles, and Charles Rangel, D-N.Y., the self-appointed guardian of all he surveys,

Randall Robinson, and the leaflet-scattering crowds at Market Street rallies, who speak with the purity of those who inherit their knowledge and need no information. 

 

Poor Haiti, with its talented and abused 8 million people, deserves better friends.

 

 

 

JESSICA LEIGHT RESPONDS:

 

To the editor:

 

Herbert Gold’s urbane but outrageously self-indulgent attack on “Haiti knee-jerkism” (April 26) makes the serious error of relying on anecdotal criticism of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which he buttresses with cheap shots at Aristide’s American supporters.  Gold would have you believe that this bit of political Dadaism constitutes an accurate portrayal of Haitian reality.  But the Aristide he targets exists only in his mind – a greedy and malicious figure systematically betraying the hopes of an “abused 8 million people.”  Yet this portrayal will be viewed with a skeptical eye by anyone aware of Haiti’s recent fate.  For example, Gold makes no mention of the Haitian opposition—led by the tiny elite that has historically dominated the country’s scant assets and which financed a string of brutal military dictatorships that consolidated its economic power. 

 

The lethal strategy of this elite was to block a peaceful settlement with Aristide, and throw the country into turmoil, a maneuver executed with the full support of Secretary of State Powell.  Washington’s earlier decision to erect a cordon sanitaire around Haiti sentenced him to a crippling political deadlock in which even incremental progress was virtually impossible. 

 

Nor does Gold discuss the nature of the rebellion that ousted Aristide, spearheaded by a who’s-who of prime human rights abusers, many of them convicted murderers from the military regime of 1991-4.  He should have told us that all of Haiti’s hundreds of recent victims (in the worst surge of violence in years) are Aristide supporters, beaten to death, not for what they have done, but for whom they support.            

 

A reader may be left wondering over the ultimate make-up of a post-Aristide regime—presumably to be led by the likes of millionaire Andy Apaid, a Haitian businessman who unctuously speaks of his faithful textile workers, but forces thousands of them to work in sweatshop conditions, while marching union activists off his property at gunpoint.  Such figures also call for a reconstituted Haitian army, which no doubt will include many of the most brutal members of the old army, which terrorized Haitians for decades before Aristide finally dismantled it.  As for the new U.S.-chosen prime minister, the average Haitian has very little in common with that chic Boca Raton resident.

 

Aristide’s administration certainly did not lack for flaws, and those call for criticism.  But Gold’s blatant one-sided mauling of a democratically-elected president does his Haitian bona fides little credit. 

 

Jessica Leight, Yale University

Research Fellow, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Washington DC

PO Box 202357 New Haven, CT

Daytime phone (203) 988-6741 or (202) 216-9261